Syrian Crisis Alawite Killings- A man accused of participating in a series of sectarian attacks against Syria’s Alawite minority two months ago has revealed in an interview with the BBC that government security forces advised and monitored armed civilian groups during the violence.
Identifying himself as Abu Khalid, he said he arrived in the coastal village of Sanobar on March 7 as a civilian fighter to engage what he described as remnants of the former regime.
According to Abu Khalid, Syria’s General Security department instructed their group to only retaliate if attacked. “They told us not to harm civilians, only to fire at insurgents shooting at us,” he explained.
He stated that his group, consisting of eight men, was part of a larger contingent overseen by General Security, who aimed to prevent looting and harm to villagers.
However, Abu Khalid recorded himself shooting and killing Mahmoud Yusef Mohammed, a 64-year-old man, at the doorstep of his home. While Khalid insisted the man was an armed insurgent, the footage does not support this claim.
Military police, now holding Abu Khalid, denied any formal coordination between their forces and him. Human rights groups estimate that nearly 900 civilians, mostly Alawites, were killed across Syria’s coastal region during that time.
The Alawites, a Shia offshoot, make up about 10% of Syria’s population, predominantly Sunni. Sanobar, part of the regime’s previous coastal stronghold, saw massive bloodshed in early March.
The BBC gained rare access to the sealed-off region and interviewed both officials and survivors. The violence reportedly erupted following attacks by loyalists of ousted President Bashar al-Assad, an Alawite, on government forces on March 6.
Following this, the new Sunni-led Islamist government called on various military and militia units to respond, triggering retaliatory violence that targeted Alawite civilians.
Witnesses described multiple armed factions executing Alawite residents. Some government units reportedly tried to protect the villagers. In Sanobar alone, approximately 200 people were killed in just a few days.
No funerals have yet taken place. Bodies were hastily buried in a mass grave by the roadside. Fear continues to silence survivors, but many quietly relayed similar stories.
Mahmoud Mohammed’s body remained outside his modest home for three days after he was killed. His family, too afraid to venture out, stayed hidden in a neighbor’s house as gunmen patrolled the village.
According to relatives, Mahmoud was a respected local, known for farming and occasionally driving a minibus. His house, located on the village’s edge, stood just 300 meters from the highway where Assad loyalists clashed with security forces on March 6.
Over two days, battles erupted between ex-regime fighters—locally called “filoul” (remnants)—and the government. Various armed supporters responded to the call for help, including jihadist fighters and semi-integrated military groups. These are the factions now blamed for civilian deaths.
On March 7, the village of Sanobar was overwhelmed by the conflict. One woman recalled, “Groups in green uniforms and masks entered our home, threatened the children, and took my father and brother, calling us ‘Alawite pigs’ before executing them.”
Mahmoud reportedly left hiding due to toxic smoke and never returned. The next morning, his body was discovered. A video later surfaced showing his execution, recorded by Abu Khalid.
In the footage, Khalid is seen laughing on a motorbike, taunting Mahmoud before shooting him multiple times. He claims Mahmoud was armed and dangerous, but the video contradicts his account—no weapon is visible, and Mahmoud appears unarmed and pleading for his life.
A former British special forces member confirmed the absence of any weapon in the footage. At no point does Khalid appear fearful or attempt to arrest Mahmoud. Instead, he is seen grinning and shouting, “I’ve caught you!” before shooting him six times.
International law prohibits the execution of civilians, the injured, or disarmed individuals.
Military police official Khaled Moussa said Khalid was not authorized to participate in operations. “Civilians shouldn’t be involved. He made a mistake and should’ve captured the man instead of killing him,” Moussa stated.
During the interview, Khalid showed little remorse for Mahmoud. He wept only when recounting the death of his younger brother in a 2018 bombing by Assad’s forces during Ramadan. “He was eight. I held him as he died,” he said.
He claimed that his family had suffered immensely and denied any intent of revenge, even after his cousin was burned to death in the March clashes.
The insurgent attacks of March 6 deepened Syria’s sectarian divide. The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) reported that ex-regime forces killed 446 civilians, including 30 women and children, and over 170 security personnel in a single day.
These attacks reignited resentment over Assad’s repressive rule, with Alawite civilians seen by some as complicit.
SNHR reported that government retaliation resulted in the deaths of at least 889 civilians, including over 100 women and children, in the days that followed. Amnesty International described many of the killings as “deliberate” and “unlawful.”
Footage from Sanobar shows pro-government fighters chanting “ethnic cleansing.” Victim lists include women, children, a pregnant woman, and a disabled man.
One woman said her family showed ID cards to prove they weren’t affiliated with Assad’s army, but were still called “Alawite pigs” and executed.
Distinguishing civilians from insurgents is central to the government’s new pledge to protect minorities. But this demands controlling its military and affiliated militias.
HTS, once affiliated with al-Qaeda and still blacklisted by the UN and Western governments, forms a core part of the new Syrian army. Recruitment into civilian police and General Security Forces has surged, but training and equipment remain inadequate.
Turkish-backed militias and former HTS allies are accused by witnesses of executing civilians. BBC verified videos show some attackers wearing official General Security uniforms and using their vehicles, leading Amnesty to demand investigations.
Mustafa Kunaifati, General Security chief for Latakia, claimed most crimes were committed by civilians with personal ties to the army, though he admitted some of his own members were involved and have been arrested.
He said his forces intervened to protect villagers and later detained the perpetrators. Survivors confirmed that Kunaifati’s unit saved them and helped them return to bury the dead.
President Ahmed al-Sharaa has vowed justice and equal prosecution. A special committee is now investigating both the March 6 attacks and the retaliation. Around 30 suspects have been arrested.
However, the government’s broad call for support is seen by some as a reckless move that sparked predictable violence.
Alawite residents now demand protection solely from General Security and the withdrawal of rogue groups manning checkpoints.
As the government tries to stabilize Sanobar, Syria’s other minorities—Druze, Christians, Kurds—are closely watching to see if this new administration can uphold justice without returning to the oppression of the past.
